The black semi-circle at her hairline is a fabric-covered wire that extends into the turret to help keep it in place Van Buren and Wieck The woman in the upper register of the tapestry is dressed in a more advanced style. Her dress has a very low V-neckline and a long train, folded back to one side. Her turret is a cylindrical red cap that completely encapsulates her hair, and over it is an M-shaped structure of wires from which layers of fine linen are suspended.
While these tapestries are made up of pieces joined together with areas of later reweaving, the areas representing the figures are mostly original Cavallo However eccentric the fashions appear, there is no reason to think their representation is particularly exaggerated. The fashionable woman no longer assumed a swaying posture with her abdomen thrust forward, balancing the weight of a heavy houppelande belted at a high waistline; she stood upright in a fitted dress with a revealing neckline and a wide belt at the natural waist.
Her sleeves were no longer voluminous bags of fabric, but straight and narrow. Her headdress was no longer horn-shaped, but conical, and increasingly tall. She was the first royal mistress to be officially recognized and held a powerful position at court Wellman She was criticized for having trains on her dresses that were one-third longer than those of princesses Evans 45 and for wearing very low-cut necklines Scott It is possible that rather than invent new fashions she simply took trends to their extreme.
She was remembered as the embodiment of the ideal beauty of the era, who had extremely pale skin, plucked eyebrows and forehead, and delicate features. Paper; Source: Gallica. Her hair has been brushed into loose swirls around her ears and held in place with a strip of linen and a black silk cord. Such a hairstyle, like the concept of a profile portrait, was inspired by ancient sculptures and coins Sorabella.
Though made of expensive silks with intricate patterns, her garments too are simple in form: a dress gamurra and a giornea , a sideless cape Herald Her necklace is a double row of coral beads and pearls, and her simple hairstyle is surmounted by a matching brooch. Clearly, simplicity does not preclude luxury and refinement. In the following decade, Italian fashion for women would take further steps in this direction, which would bring it closer to the dress of classical antiquity.
Portrait of a Lady , ca. Tempera and gold on panel, transferred to canvas; Philadelphia Museum of Art, John G. Johnson Collection, Source: PMA. Portrait of Philip the Good , Oil on wood; Source: Joconde. Golden Fleece Chain , 15th century. Source: Archivio Digitale Boncompagni Ludovisi. D uke Philip the Good of Burgundy had influenced fashion since his accession in , following the assassination of his father, Jean the Fearless, at the hands of the French.
For the next two decades, he was the man in black around whom a competitive, luxury-loving court revolved. Even after he had made peace with France at the Treaty of Arras in , Philip continued his practice of dressing head-to-toe in black, no doubt because it was integral to the public image he had established.
He may also have discovered that black clothing makes a powerful statement and is an ideal background for the display of jewelry, such as the collar and pendant of the Golden Fleece, the chivalric order he had founded in Vaughan Though a significant portion of these purchases must have been for furnishing, gifts, and supplies of livery to the members of the court, when we interpret portraits of the Duke we can assume he is dressed in Italian silk velvets and the finest Flemish wools. The portraits of Philip the Good made during this decade defined his image for posterity.
The most important portrait, a half-length panel painting after Rogier van der Weyden dated circa Fig. His outer garment is a black houppelande trimmed with brown fur at the neckline and sleeves.
Two layers of cloth project from the back of the chaperon, and the long trailing end, the cornet Van Buren and Wieck hangs down past his right shoulder. A gold and gemstone brooch with a large hanging pearl and four smaller pearls is pinned on the chaperon. The unrelieved black ensemble focuses attention on the jewelry, especially the collar and pendant of the Golden Fleece Fig. Over his black doublet and hose, he wears a long houppelande of a boldly patterned voided velvet, lined with brown fur.
The straight sleeves of the houppelande rise up at the shoulders and are possibly supported by small cushions, called maheutres Van Buren and Wieck In this portrait too he wears a black chaperon, with the cornet hanging down on the right side.
His shoes are extremely pointy poulaines Van Buren and Wieck The Duke is surrounded by courtiers, with his son and heir Charles, also dressed in black, to his left. Detail of Golden Fleece Chain , 15th century. Detail of Roman de Girart de Roussillon , ca. Source: ONB. Source: KBR. In the contemporary manuscript Chroniques de Hainaut , the frontispiece dedication page was painted by Rogier van der Weyden Fig.
Some details are slightly different or new. He holds a hammer, a symbol of authority, in his right hand.
Van Buren and Wieck The cornet of the chaperon is drawn under the chin to fasten on the opposite side, and in this portrait he is clearly wearing wooden-soled pattens , which in this decade men no longer remove indoors Van Buren and Wieck The houppelande is slit up the sides but has no discernible opening at the front below the waist.
However, the only appreciable difference is in the length of the houppelande. It is above the knee, and thus could also be called an haincelin Van Buren and Wieck In the late s, long houppelandes were decidedly old-fashioned. This portrait too demonstrates that the man in black stands out in a crowd, that an all-black ensemble shows the fashionable silhouette to best advantage, and that black is beautiful, elegant and glamorous.
Portrait of Edward Grimston , Oil on panel; London: National Gallery of Art, L3. I n an English diplomat named Edward Grimston Fig. In Bruges, he ordered some new clothes from a local tailor and wore them to sit for his portrait by Petrus Christus Van Buren and Wieck It is extremely rare for the costume in a fifteenth-century painting to be so thoroughly documented.
The portrait Fig. In this decade it became fashionable to reveal the shirt by leaving the next garment, the doublet , open in the front. It has paired red laces that have been pulled apart. The sleeves of the doublet are made in two parts, with the full upper part gathered and joined to the fitted lower part. This style was thought to have originated in northern Italy, and was called the Lombard sleeve Van Buren and Wieck Since this portrait is half-length, it is impossible to say for sure what the rest of the garment looked like, but an illumination in the manuscript Le Roman de Girart de Roussillon Fig.
Given the same color scheme of complementary red and green, it is likely that Grimston too wears red hose to match his doublet. The hose , separate leggings that were laced to the hem of the doublet Van Buren and Wieck , would probably have been custom-made for Grimston by the same tailor who made his other garments.
Most pairs of hose were made of wool; a wool jersey called perpignan was particularly favored Frick In Florence, soled hose was sold ready-made Frick Most men in the s wear variations of the haincelin. Individual style was expressed through the choice of fabric, whether plain or with a woven or embroidered pattern, the choice of color in relation to the doublet and hose, the type of sleeve and the accessories.
The young man in A Man Reading Fig. The portrait shows us an excellent look at the bowl haircut that most men in northern Europe sported Van Buren and Wieck Although the painting is dated to the end of the decade, the full sleeves are conservative in style, and he wears no jewelry. Despite the apparent austerity of his dress, the haincelin has the soft, velvety look of the finest Flemish wool, and it might be completely lined in fur. By contrast, a young man seen in another painting from the work-shop of Rogier van der Weyden, dated to the beginning of the decade, The Exhumation of St.
Hubert Fig. Nevertheless, there are many sources that show men very colorfully dressed, such as figure 5 in the Fashion Icon section above. A Man Reading , ca. Oil on oak; 45 x 35 cm. Source: NGA. Detail from The Exhumation of Saint Hubert , late s. Oil with egg tempera on oak; Portrait of Charles VII , Oil on oak; Paris: Louvre, INV Tarantella napoletana. Tonton video cendhak babagan italianforbeginners ing TikTok. Tonton video cendhak babagan italianfordinner ing TikTok.
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The historian Flavio Biondo provided an answer in accordance with Italian national identity. In his corruption hypothesis, the vernacular volgare emerged and was formed as a mixed language through a process of barbarization, where Latin was mixed with the language of Germanic tribes and disintegrated as a linguistic system. Language contacts with Germanic-speaking nations, such as the Goths and Langobards, and the Langobardian subversion of Roman culture, were regarded as main causes of the formation of Italian.
Guarino Veronese and Filelfo It gained ground in the Italian Renaissance during the sixteenth century. Spanish and Portuguese philologists also applied it to the origin of Spanish and Portuguese. In Prose della volgar lingua written ca.
In doing so, he shows himself to be an exponent of the monolingualism theory and the corruption hypothesis, but also contributes to some innovative perspectives. He proposes an ancient Greek—Latin bilingualism, which he compares with the contemporary parallel use of Latin and Italian.
All this paved the way for a more thorough redefinition of the historical and qualitative relationship between Latin and Italian. In their emphasis on the newness of Italian in relation to Latin, some of them developed a new model of cyclic processes, namely the theory of a corruption-generation, i. In doing so, they resorted to Aristotelian natural philosophy, according to which changes in nature are explained as either a ceasing-to-be phthora, corruptio , coming-to-be genesis, generatio or qualitative change of accidental characteristics alloiosis, alteratio.
Italian would in this case be an altered form of Latin alterata , not another altra new entity. The concept of generated languages served as the point of departure for some conceptual metaphors cf.
Faithfull : — : a the metaphor of the life and death of languages; b the metaphor of dead and living languages, according to which Latin was considered either dead or half-dead and the vernacular living Schunck : 31—45 ; c the metaphor of mother- and daughter-language: Latin as mother and the individual Romance vernaculars as daughter-languages. Gabriel Barrius — , a Latin humanist and historian from Francica in Calabria, is a less known Renaissance scholar, who endeavored to defend Latin in the Italian debate on language cultivation questione della lingua in his three-volume Pro lingua Latina [].
He also wrote a historical-geographical study of Calabria, De antiquitate et situ Calabriae In the former treatise, Barrius defends the position of ancient and humanist Latin against the views of Bembo, who had relegated Latin to the status of a foreign and non-domestic language.
To defend Latin as a national language, Barrius raises and answers a rhetorical question:. If the Latin vernacular from Latium is ancestral to the Latin and Roman nations as the native, indigenous, domestic, everyday, common, public, popular language vulgaris sermo , why is grammatical, literary, regular, artistically produced Latin not ancestral to itself?
Barrius [] : All metalinguistic attestations of popular language sermo vulgaris , popular words verba vulgaria , words of common people and the rural population vulgi et rusticorum vocabula , and everyday language quotidianus sermo refers, according to Barrius, to one and the same linguistic entity, Vulgar Latin latinus sermo vulgaris , Barrius [] : Barrius points out that the concepts of ordinary language vulgaris loquendi modus and elevated language singularis loquendi modus are relational.
He qualifies ordinary language with a number of adjectives, viz. He regards elevated language as artful, rare, prominent, and not common by nature to everyone artificiale, rarum, excellens, non omnibus natura commune , Barrius [] : Barrius repeatedly qualifies vulgaris Latinus sermo with a long set of adjectives, viz. He uses all these qualifications in order to represent spoken Latin as a national Italian language and thus to oppose the claims of Bembo Section 5.
In the preface, he certainly describes his work as a search for the existence of a bilingual co-existence of Latin, Latinus sermo , and the vernacular, vulgaris sermo , since antiquity, but in the course of his treatise he applies the term Latin to both of these entities, which means that he presupposed the existence of two varieties of one and the same language, namely Latin, rather than two different languages, as Laureys : 30 observes.
The medieval notion of Latin as grammatical and the vernacular as ungrammatical pervaded his linguistic thought Barrius [] : 11—12; Laureys : His didactic views on written and grammatical Latin as having been a second language ever since antiquity guided his theorizing, because mastering Latin has always required formal study. Barrius clearly underlined the qualitative difference between the high and low varieties.
Section 4. Concerning the lexical stock, Barrius regarded a great number of words as originally common to both Vulgar Latin and standard Latin latinitas , including amo, curro, fabrico, subito, quando, supra, intra, intro, infra, poeta, via, casa, porta , and iustitia.
On the other hand, standard Latin possesses many words not known to Vulgar Latin, and vice versa. Authors of the Latin language took rude and formless words from common popular usage, formed and fashioned them, and endowed them with Latin citizenship Barrius [] : , They also formed new words from extant roots, such as perago from ago, perlego from lego , and nauta from navis. Barrius perceived the difference between Vulgar Latin Latina vulgaris and grammatical Latin Latina regularis lingua as a relation between natura and ars , comparing the former to a rough stone and the latter to a bas-relief Barrius [] : In several passages, Barrius comments on the historical relationship of Vulgar Latin to regular or grammatical Latin.
He traces the high variety back to the early Kingdom Barrius [] : , Barrius also justifies his theory of the diglossic situation of ancient Rome with reference to the similar situations in the Greek and Jewish speech communities. They have two kinds of language duo loquendi modi , an ordinary one, common to everyone, and an elevated one, which he equates and identifies with regular language.
The Italian philologist Lodovico Castelvetro — explained the historical origin of Italian as an internal development from Vulgar Latin. In doing so, he formally adhered to the corruption-generation hypothesis, but in fact he abandoned it Faithfull : In his criticism of Bembo, Castelvetro developed the diglossic concept of Vulgar Latin. He also addresses the question of the mutual relationship between these two varieties. In his view, the literary variety was not so far from the popular one.
They had grammatical features and a large number of words and phrases in common. Addressing the question of the emergence of Italian, Castelvetro [] : I, 31 says that all that remains to investigate is when and how Vulgar Latin diffused and changed. In doing so, he divides the process into three periods: i before the Sack of Rome ad , ii the rule of Goths in Italy, iii the rule of Langobards in Italy. In the first period, Vulgar Latin spread into the usage of higher classes.
This social diffusion was caused by emperors and courtiers of foreign, non-Italian origin, who did not communicate in pure and literary Latin, but in Vulgar Latin Castelvetro [] : I, In the second period, contacts with the Goths had only a limited effect on the Latin vernacular. In the third period, Vulgar Latin was corrupted in the course of the first hundred years after the arrival of the Langobards Castelvetro [] : I, Germanic grammar had a functional influence on Vulgar Latin, so that extant elements were modified to fit the usage of Germanic nations e.
On the lexical level the Germanic impact was, according to Castelvetro [] : I, 35 , limited to a few Langobardian cultural loanwords cf. Melzi : — The Italian philologist Celso Cittadini — discussed the same topics as Castelvetro: the sociolinguistic situation of the Roman Republic and Empire, and the transformation of Vulgar Latin into Italian.
Cittadini argues that Vulgar Latin changed into Italian by a gradual process of accidental changes in grammar. The categories of substance and accidents are crucial to the alteration theory. The substance is identified with the lexicon and the accidents with grammar. The Italian vernacular is the same as Vulgar Latin in its stock of words, and has only been varied in its grammatical accidents, without the destruction of the lexical substance. Schunck : As intimated in Section 1.
Tolomei and L. Castelvetro, has been a subject of controversy. This statement requires clarification. In comparison with Tolomei, Cittadini is innovative in his hypothesis on Vulgar Latin. His phonetic and morphological observations on Tuscan were certainly utilized by Cittadini in Le origini della volgar Toscana , though not in Trattato della vera origine To begin with, Cittadini 1r opposed the corruption hypothesis, by which Italian is derived from the corruption of classical Latin at the time of the Goths and the Langobards.
He identifies three internal stages of the Roman period lingua Romana , i until the time of Ennius and Plautus, ii until the time of Caecilius and Terence, and iii until the time of Vergil and Livy Cittadini : 4r , and tries to elucidate their phonological and grammatical features from inscriptional and literary sources Cittadini : 7v—33r.
In every period, both earlier and later, there have been two types of Latin in Rome: one rough and half barbarous, which was found among the populace, that is the unlearned Romans and foreigners, or I would say people of lower classes and rural population without learning; Cittadini : 2r.
Cittadini : 2 v. The bifurcation of ancient Latin into the diglossic co-existence of two synchronic varieties is repeated many times. Cittadini 55r—57r, 61v—62r is convinced of the terminological continuity in designating the vernacular as Latin and the Italians as Latins, for instance in Dante, Petrarca, and Boccaccio. Cittadini here equates the high variety with good and pure language, and the low variety with barbarous language.
The same equations also occur in another passage Cittadini : 44r, cf. Vulgar Latin is associated with an internal barbarization. For this reason, Cittadini describes Vulgar Latin as the younger sister of latina grammaticale Cittadini : 63r.
Cittadini makes a terminological distinction between ancient Vulgar Latin [43] and modern Vulgar Latin. He rejects the alternative terms Tuscan, Florentine, Cortigiana, and Italian Cittadini : 60r; cf. Ward : — To conclude, ancient theorists on the linguistic variation of Latin did not conceptualize sermo vulgaris as a separate and distinct social variety, but defined it as a situational variety in contrast to a technical or rhetorical style, though not necessarily in contrast to correct Latin.
In the high Middle Ages, an ahistorical view of Latin as an artificial, invariable, and immutable or timeless secondary language, only learned by formal training, developed. Dante is an exponent of this view. The early humanists inherited this Dantean view. When Vulgar Latin emerged as a concept in the Italian Renaissance, its meaning varied depending on the different choices of dimensions of variation, viz.
In the Italian Renaissance of the fifteenth century, a synchronic-diaphasic concept of Vulgar Latin was formed. In the Italian Renaissance of the sixteenth century, a diastratic-diachronic concept of Vulgar Latin was formed.
This article explores in particular the theoretical prerequisites and intellectual circumstances behind the emergence of the diglossic concept of Vulgar Latin. It argues that the concept of a distinct low variety of ancient Latin required some innovations in historical linguistic thought points 1 and 2 below , but that it also interacted with the medieval tradition of linguistic thought on the nature of Latin and the vernacular points 3 and 4 in the following respects:.
A historicist view of ancient Latin as a historical vernacular, common to all, natural, and thus possible to learn without formal training, since all languages share a natural grammar. A synthesis of the fifteenth-century theory of monolingualism and the medieval theory of bilingualism regarding the linguistic situation of Roman antiquity. Dante Alighieri does not propose the diglossic concept of Vulgar Latin as a distinct low variety, but has a theory of a permanent bilingualism Section 2.
Leonardo Bruni has incorrectly been credited with the concept of Vulgar Latin as a low variety of ancient Latin Section 4. Furthermore, the concept of Vulgar Latin as a low variety was based on a dualistic conception of ancient Latin, which presumed a contrast between literary Latin and non-literary Latin.
Vulgar Latin was thus formed as a relational and oppositional counterpart to a high variety, viz. When the concept of Vulgar Latin as a low variety was formed in the Renaissance, it had a specific set of constituents. The concept referred to a separate and distinct social variety namely the Roman popular language that was in use among people without formal education, that could be traced back to the archaic period of Latin, and that changed in different historical stages in a dual process of accidental change and substantial continuity, that is, in a process characterized by grammatical and phonetic change and lexical continuity.
The Aristotelian category of change, alteratio , was modified to conform to linguistic theorizing aiming to explain the process of linguistic change in terms of the categories of substance and accident, specifically as a substantial continuity of lexicon and accidental change of grammar. Barrius, Gabriel. Pro lingua Latina , 2nd revised edn. Search in Google Scholar. Bembo, Pietro. Prose di M. Pietro Bembo nelle quali si ragiona della volgar lingua. Biondo, Flavio.
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Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, De la volgare eloquenzia. In Italian translation by Giovanni Giorgio Trissino. Vicenza: Ianiculo. Dante, Alighieri, De vulgari eloquentia libri duo. Nunc primum ad vetusti et unici scripti codicis exemplar editi.
In the edition of Jacopo Corbinelli. Filelfo, Francesco. Letter to Francesco Sforza. Text edition in Tavoni — Letter to Maria Blanca, 27 May Edited by Jeroen De Keyser. See letter no. Guarini Veronese, Guarino. De lingue latine differentiis. Epistulario di Guarino Veronese, 3 vols, Venezia: C. Ferrari, — See Tavoni — Muzio, Girolamo. Published by Giulio Cesare Muzio. Vinegia: Dusinelli. Text and notes by Rossana Sodano. Torino: Ed. Tolomei, Claudio. Il Cesano, dialogo di M. Claudio Tolomei nel quale da piu dotti huomini si disputa del nome col quale si dee ragionevolmente chiamare la volgar lingua.
Vinegia: Giolito de Ferrari. Il Cesano de la lingua Toscana. Edited by Maria Rosa Franco Subri. Roma: Bulzoni. Valla, Lorenzo. Antidotum in Pogium: Liber secundus. Dialogus: Libellus secundus. See Tavoni — , comprising pp. Varchi, Benedetto. Published by Giovanni Gaetano Bottari.
Milan, Milan: Cisalpino-Goliardica. Adams, James Noel. Social variation and the Latin language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Baron, Hans ed.
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